首页
外语
计算机
考研
公务员
职业资格
财经
工程
司法
医学
专升本
自考
实用职业技能
登录
外语
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career diplomat struck an optimistic note. Yes, China would pro
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career diplomat struck an optimistic note. Yes, China would pro
admin
2020-12-01
23
问题
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career diplomat struck an optimistic note. Yes, China would probably soon overtake the United States as the world’s largest economy, he conceded, but the Middle Kingdom was unlikely to rival the United States anytime soon when it came to "soft power", or cultural influence and attractiveness.
Indeed, soft power is generally seen as a major asset in the foreign policy realm, helping countries achieve their goals without resorting to "hard power" — i.e.,
coercive
means. "Young people around the world," the diplomat confidently asserted, "still listen to American music, watch American movies and dream of coming to the United States."
Particularly in Latin America, that remains as true as ever, despite Donald Trump in the White House and a historic and irreversible shift of economic power away from the West towards Asia. The United States’ cultural influence and visibility stands unrivaled across Latin America. Chinese culture, by comparison, remains largely unknown and is usually met with indifference and a lack of interest. While some people are aware of China’s growing economic role in Latin America — it is already the largest trading partner of several of the region’s major economies, including Brazil, Chile and Peru — most would struggle to name a single Chinese contemporary singer, athlete or soap opera star. Latin America’s mass media busily reports even minor events in U.S. politics or cultural life, yet Chinese news remain the stuff of specialists.
Yet while U.S. soft power may provide some tangible economic benefits in Latin America — think of tourism to Disney World and New York, Netflix subscriptions and Starbucks sales — it has also shown to be a double-edged sword, particularly in the foreign policy realm. China’s
under-the-radar
approach in Latin America, by comparison, also brings important advantages, some of which may, paradoxically, be of greater strategic relevance in the long term. That is because, in a region traditionally concerned about U.S. meddling, strong cultural influence tends to inflate the perceived political and economic influence. While the United States’ de facto influence in Latin America has declined significantly over the past decade — partly due to China’s growing role in the region, but also because U.S. policymakers generally do not see the region as a priority — this change is barely reflected in the public debate, where the U.S. role remains outsized.
That often makes cooperating with the United States politically costly. When Brazil’s former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso reached, in 2000, a groundbreaking space cooperation deal with the United States, which would involve U.S. use of the Brazilian space agency’s launch site in Alcantara in Northern Brazil (its equatorial location allows reducing fuel costs of satellite launches by 30 percent), the opposition saw an opportunity to whip up anti-American nationalist sentiment by mischaracterizing the technology safeguards agreement (TSA) as a threat to Brazil’s sovereignty. Cardoso found himself accused of being an
entreguista
and canceled the project, which would have allowed Brazil to develop precious expertise in the area — increasingly important due to strong growth in the microsatellite sector crucial for GPS and internet communication. When the current government of Michel Temer took up the project recently, pressure again intensified, even though this time its successful conclusion is more likely. If the project partner had been China back then or today, it seems unlikely that the project would have faced as much political resistance.
This episode is starkly contrasted by how China can operate across Latin America and make strategic investments almost without any real concern for public opinion. When Chinese investors recently bought a third of Brazil’s electricity sectpr — a sector of tremendous strategic importance — the news barely made it to the front page of Brazilian newspapers.
Which of the following statements is NOT true of U.S. soft power in Latin America?
选项
A、It is unrivaled by any other country.
B、It contributes to low economic benefits for the U.S..
C、It remains the same as before.
D、It is more influential than Chinese soft power in the same region.
答案
B
解析
推断题。根据选项定位第1—4段,仔细甄别后可知,B与原文(带来一些切实的经济利益)不符,故为正确答案。
转载请注明原文地址:https://kaotiyun.com/show/x5MO777K
本试题收录于:
CATTI二级笔译综合能力题库翻译专业资格(CATTI)分类
0
CATTI二级笔译综合能力
翻译专业资格(CATTI)
相关试题推荐
A、正确B、错误B事实细节的找寻和判断。关于男孩女孩的不同,根据原文Culturalandeconomicinfluencesplayanimportantpart.Butrecentfindingssuggestthatano
A、正确B、错误B事实细节的找寻和判断。关于男孩女孩的不同,根据原文Culturalandeconomicinfluencesplayanimportantpart.Butrecentfindingssuggestthatano
America’sDiplomaticChallengesVocabularyandExpressionscombatmissionTalibanseparatistDepartmentofDe
America’sDiplomaticChallengesVocabularyandExpressionscombatmissionTalibanseparatistDepartmentofDe
America’sDiplomaticChallengesVocabularyandExpressionscombatmissionTalibanseparatistDepartmentofDe
America’sDiplomaticChallengesVocabularyandExpressionscombatmissionTalibanseparatistDepartmentofDe
USLawmakersDebateanEducationIssue:theCostofCollegeVocabularyandExpressionsinterestdoctorateconundrum
USPoliticiansDebate"NetNeutrality"VocabularyandExpressionssuspendfuel(v.)unleashAmongwhomwilltheissuebe
随机试题
关于化脓性关节炎,正确的有
动态配气中对稀释气气源的要求是
理中丸的组成药物是
A.附子B.丁香C.干姜D.吴茱萸E.细辛善暖肝散寒者是
将职工和设备从拟关闭的工厂转移到继续使用的工厂所发生的支出不属于与重组有关的直接支出。()
根据税收征收管理法律制度的规定,下列关于账簿和凭证管理的说法中正确的有()。
不管多么起劲地去教育和引导孩子,真正让孩子能够得到幸福保证的是社会。家庭的文化、习惯、情感的传承可以部分决定孩子对生活的感受,但不能替代社会对孩子生活、行为、人际关系的决定。为了孩子我们今天要开始承担社会的责任。让孩子在一种对人的关怀、尊重与感激的人文环境
在对被审计单位应收账款审计时,注册会计师获取的下列审计证据中可靠性最强的是()。
A、Heneededalargerbuilding.B、Heneededconvenienttransportation.C、Hewantedtolivedowntown.D、Hewantedanenvironmental
WheredidTimfirstwork?Hefirstworked______.
最新回复
(
0
)