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  3. Bank chiefs, oil company executives and notorious politicians seem as hypersensitive to admitting guilt as the public is eager t

Bank chiefs, oil company executives and notorious politicians seem as hypersensitive to admitting guilt as the public is eager t

admin2014-06-25  71
问题     Bank chiefs, oil company executives and notorious politicians seem as hypersensitive to admitting guilt as the public is eager to extract self-reproach from them. If sometimes we seem to scrutinize people more for their failure to say, "I’m sorry," than for the breaches themselves, it is partly due to the cultural wisdom that an apology is the first step in mending a broken relationship.
    Our collective desire for apologies, though, may not be a great indicator of their effect once delivered. Studies by a team of researchers of the Rotterdam School of Management have shown that people are poor forecasters of their emotional responses to life and tend to overestimate future reactions to both positive and negative situations.
    To simulate betrayals of trust, the researchers set up games and manipulated them. Participants were given ￠10 to either keep or transfer in whole to a partner, in which case, participants were told, the amount would be tripled and their partner would decide how to split the total. Once the transfers took place, participants were informed that their partners had decided to return only ￠15. Each participant then received a written apology in which his or her partner expressed regret and acknowledged responsibility for the unfair trade. For comparison another group of participants played the trust game to the same outcome but were asked to imagine receiving an apology. A third group was asked to imagine the entire scenario, breach and apology.
    In their post-game analysis, participants who imagined the apology, regardless of whether the breach was real or imagined, rated the apology as more "valuable" and "reconciling" than did participants who actually received one.
    In a follow-up study the same participants repeated the game with the same mean but regretful partners, this time getting to choose how much of the initial ￠10 to transfer. "Because participants were exploited in the first game, this amount is a behavioral measure of trust restoration. Participants imagining the entire scenario predicted they would transfer on average ￠5. 20. Those who actually received an apology in the first game, however, were less trusting of their partners the second time around, handing over an average of ￠3. 31.
    If apologies are not inherently as valuable as we believe, they are still effective in restoring social order because they trigger a highly scripted reconciliation process. Once an apology is offered, the pressure is then on "victims" to accept and move on. Ironically, the failure to accept an apology transforms the victim into the sinner. Children, less aware of social norms, often fail to graciously accept a regret. And an apology does not necessarily signal regret, add the researchers. Sometimes apologies are offered not to make amends with victims but to signal to an external audience that one is a good person. So, it’s a tricky situation then, when your victim is in the audience.
The conclusion of the studies might be______.
选项 A、apologies are effective in conflict reconciliation
B、imagined apologies are of greater value than real ones
C、the effect of apologies lies in how people think about them
D、the expectations for an apology to smoothing things over are overrated
答案D
解析 根据第四段和第五段所述的实验结果及后续实验结果可知：和想象收到道歉的人相比，真正收到道歉的人反而认为道歉不那么具有价值，不一定能起到调解作用；且在后来的实际行为中表现出更多的对背叛者的不信任。可见，事实上人们认为道歉非常有效往往是在自己置身事外的情况下，若真正经历背叛并收到道歉，则效果不一定如此，[D]选项正确。另外，意识到“实验是为了验证第二段提出的全文论点”可以更加肯定答案为[D]选项。
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