首页
外语
计算机
考研
公务员
职业资格
财经
工程
司法
医学
专升本
自考
实用职业技能
登录
外语
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career diplomat struck an optimistic note. Yes, China would pro
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career diplomat struck an optimistic note. Yes, China would pro
admin
2022-08-22
15
问题
At a recent debate in Washington about the rise of China, a U.S. career diplomat struck an optimistic note. Yes, China would probably soon overtake the United States as the world’s largest economy, he conceded, but the Middle Kingdom was unlikely to rival the United States anytime soon when it came to "soft power", or cultural influence and attractiveness.
Indeed, soft power is generally seen as a major asset in the foreign policy realm, helping countries achieve their goals without resorting to "hard power"—i.e.,
coercive
means. "Young people around the world," the diplomat confidently asserted, "still listen to American music, watch American movies and dream of coming to the United States."
Particularly in Latin America, that remains as true as ever, despite Donald Trump in the White House and a historic and irreversible shift of economic power away from the West towards Asia. The United States’ cultural influence and visibility stands unrivaled across Latin America. Chinese culture, by comparison, remains largely unknown and is usually met with indifference and a lack of interest. While some people are aware of China’s growing economic role in Latin America—it is already the largest trading partner of several of the region’s major economies, including Brazil, Chile and Peru—most would struggle to name a single Chinese contemporary singer, athlete or soap opera star. Latin America’s mass media busily reports even minor events in U.S. politics or cultural life, yet Chinese news remain the stuff of specialists.
Yet while U.S. soft power may provide some tangible economic benefits in Latin America—think of tourism to Disney World and New York, Netflix subscriptions and Starbucks sales—it has also shown to be a double-edged sword, particularly in the foreign policy realm. China’s
under-the-radar
approach in Latin America, by comparison, also brings important advantages, some of which may, paradoxically, be of greater strategic relevance in the long term. That is because, in a region traditionally concerned about U.S. meddling, strong cultural influence tends to inflate the perceived political and economic influence. While the United States’ de facto influence in Latin America has declined significantly over the past decade—partly due to China’s growing role in the region, but also because U.S. policymakers generally do not see the region as a priority—this change is barely reflected in the public debate, where the U.S. role remains outsized.
That often makes cooperating with the United States politically costly. When Brazil’s former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso reached, in 2000, a groundbreaking space cooperation deal with the United States, which would involve U.S. use of the Brazilian space agency’s launch site in Alcantara in Northern Brazil (its equatorial location allows reducing fuel costs of satellite launches by 30 percent), the opposition saw an opportunity to whip up anti-American nationalist sentiment by mischaracterizing the technology safeguards agreement (TSA) as a threat to Brazil’s sovereignty. Cardoso found himself accused of being an entreguista and canceled the project, which would have allowed Brazil to develop precious expertise in the area—increasingly important due to strong growth in the microsatellite sector crucial for GPS and internet communication. When the current government of Michel Temer took up the project recently, pressure again intensified, even though this time its successful conclusion is more likely. If the project partner had been China back then or today, it seems unlikely that the project would have faced as much political resistance.
This episode is starkly contrasted by how China can operate across Latin America and make strategic investments almost without any real concern for public opinion. When Chinese investors recently bought a third of Brazil’s electricity sector—a sector of tremendous strategic importance—the news barely made it to the front page of Brazilian newspapers.
The compound word "under-the-radar" underlined in Paragraph 4 most likely means________.
选项
A、vulnerable
B、vigorous
C、invisible
D、inviable
答案
C
解析
语义题。vulnerable脆弱的,vigorous精力充沛的,invisible不引人注目的,inviable不可能生存的。根据上下文,under-the radar意为“低调的”,故正确答案为C。
转载请注明原文地址:https://kaotiyun.com/show/PB0O777K
本试题收录于:
CATTI二级笔译综合能力题库翻译专业资格(CATTI)分类
0
CATTI二级笔译综合能力
翻译专业资格(CATTI)
相关试题推荐
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmuchas3%ofEarth’s【L2】______hasbeenurbanized,a
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmuchas3%ofEarth’s【L2】______hasbeenurbanized,a
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmuchas3%ofEarth’s【L2】______hasbeenurbanized,a
Theworldhasexperienced【L1】______urbangrowthintherecentdecades.Asmuchas3%ofEarth’s【L2】______hasbeenurbanized,a
Howmanypeoplearethreatenedasaresultofthedeterioratingoceanenvironments?
Whycan’trobotsfullymeasureuptopeople?
Whydoesalackofsleepcausepeopletogainweight?
Childrenwhoarepraisedfortheirworkarealways______on.
随机试题
下列标准化法的叙述中,错误的是
稳定型心绞痛的发病机制是
心力衰竭患者长期服用噻嗪类利尿剂,最容易发生的不良反应是()。
根据《生产安全事故报告和调查处理条例》,单位负责人接到事故报告后,应当于()小时内向事故发生地县级以上人民政府安全生产监督管理部门和负有安全生产监督管理职责的有关部门报告。
甲公司发行1000万股普通股股票,每股面值1元,每股公允价值5元,作为合并对价取得乙公司80%的股权,能够对乙公司实施控制。支付券商佣金等20万元,合并各方在交易前均无关联方关系。购买日乙公司可辨认资产公允价值为5000万元,账面价值为4500万元,可辨认
用于估计过程平均不合格率的批数,一般不应少于()批。
别墅:建筑
引起动机的外在条件是
()即使在客观上造成了危害结果,也不是刑法意义上的行为。
设随机变量.向量组α1,α2线性无关,则Xα1一α2,一α1+Xα2线性相关的概率为().
最新回复
(
0
)