1. American hopes that pressure from the U S will force Japan to suddenly dismantle its trade harriers are almost certain to eva

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问题    1. American hopes that pressure from the U S will force Japan to suddenly dismantle its trade harriers are almost certain to evaporate in disappointment. The fact is that Washington faces an obstacle far more formidable than a few power brokers in Tokyo’s government offices. It must buck centuries-old, deeply ingrained Japanese customs. To move the Japanese government, Washington must move an entire nation.
   So far, the U S has had only limited success despite congressional threats to retaliate. In an April 9 nationwide broadcast, Prime Minster Yasuhiro Nakasone urged the Japanese to buy more imported goods and unveiled a long-awaited three-year plan to ease import restrictions. But his program was far short of what Washington hoped to see.
   White House Chief of Staff Donald Regan said the Japanese offered "few new or immediate measures." While the plan did promise fewer curbs on imports of telecommunications gear, medicine and medical equipment, it offered no relief for American forest products--which are among the most contentious trade issues.
   Nakasone gives every sign of being Sincere in his desire to reduce a Japanese surplus in trade with the U S that hit 36.8 billion dollars in 1984 and could soon top 50 billion. 2. Yet to rely on any one Japanese political leader, no matter how popular he is at home, to reverse trade policies is to underestimate the culture and traditions that weigh heavily against a breakthrough.
   Big business and dozens of anonymous bureaucrats have as much power as Japan’s top selected leaders.
   "The whole concept that we can turn this around right now is patently ridiculous, "says an American trader who has lived and worked here since 1952. "The vested interests are being shaken and slowly moved, but at a pace too slow for the eye to follow."     That view is echoed by a U S diplomat closely involved in the efforts to open Japanese markets to American goods, Washington’s stock solution to the ballooning trade imbalance.
   3. "Japan is a relationship society rather than a transactional society", he says. "You cannot alter that kind of a system with a television speech or a batch of general proposals, no matter how well-intentioned they are."
   Beyond specific tariffs of other official barriers to imports, experts here say that the U S faces these obstacles:
   Nearly total domination of the Japanese market by a few dozen giant conglomerates that strongly oppose even token competition--be it from abroad or emerging domestic firms.
   An elite, thickly layered bureaucracy that historically has drafted laws and regulations as well as enforced them, and both of these powers would be threatened by trade reforms.
   A longtime relationship between business and government that critics say fosters collusion and hinders foreign entry into domestic markets.
   Adamant support for import restrictions among Japanese farmers, one of the most powerful political forces.
   4. A highly developed sense of loyalty to established practices and relationships that often outweighs any "duty" to society as a whole or, in some cases, even personal best interest. Esteem for caution and consensus in decision-making at all societal levels and conversely, resentment of governmental fiats or one-man decrees--even if that man is the head of government.
    Compounding Washington’s problem is Nakasone’s weak position within his own party, the Liberal Democrats, who have ruled Japan for 30 years. His standing is so complex and fragile that he has been forced to yield all but three of 2l cabinet positions to rival political factions. His cabinet colleagues are far less committed than he is to trade reforms, making it difficult for the Prime Minister to muscle proposals through either the bureaucracy or the Diet, Japan’s parliament.
   The existence of "Japan, Inc." --the concept of an entire nation conspiring to advance economically at any cost--is a topic of debate among both Japanese and outsiders. But there is no dispute over how the system actually works.

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答案对已形成的风俗和关系的无比忠诚胜过对整个社会的“尊重”,在某些情况下甚至胜过个人的最大利益。在每个社会阶层的决策中,要尊重谨言慎行和意见的一致。相反,要怨恨政府的法令或一个人的法令——即使这个人是政府首脑。

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