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  3. In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the accidental death of their two year old was told that since the child had made

In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the accidental death of their two year old was told that since the child had made

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问题     In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the accidental death of their two year old was told that since the child had made no real economic contribution to the family, there was no liability for damages. In contrast, less than a century later, in 1979, the parents of a three year old sued in New York for accidental-death damages and won an award of $750,000.
    The transformation in social values implicit in juxtaposing these two incidents is the subject of Viyiana Zelizer’s excellent book, Pricing the Priceless Child. During the nineteenth century, she argues, the concept of the "useful" child who contributed to the family economy gave way gradually to the present-day notion of the "useless" child who, though producing no income for, and indeed extremely costly to, its parents, is yet considered emotionally "priceless." Well established among segments of the middle and upper classes by the mid-1800’s, this new view of childhood spread throughout society in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries as reformers introduced child-labor regulations and compulsory education laws predicated in part on the assumption that a child’s emotional value made child labor taboo.
    For Zelizer the origins of this transformation were many and complex. The gradual erosion of children’s productive value in a maturing industrial economy, the decline in birth and death rates, especially in child mortality, and the development of the companionate family (a family in which members were united by explicit bonds of love rather than duty) were all factors critical in changing the assessment of children’s worth. Yet "expulsion of children from the ’cash nexus,’ ...although clearly shaped by profound changes in the economic, occupational, and family structures," Zelizer maintains, "was also part of a cultural process ’of sacralization’ of children’s lives." Protecting children from the crass business world became enormously important for late-nineteenth-century middle-class Americans, she suggests; this sacralization was a way of resisting what they perceived as the relentless corruption of human values by the marketplace.
    In stressing the cultural determinants of a child’s worth, Zelizer takes issue with practitioners of the new "sociological economics," who have analyzed such traditionally sociological topics as crime, marriage, education, and health solely in terms of their economic determinants. Allowing only a small role for cultural forces in the form of individual "preferences," these sociologists tend to view all human behavior as directed primarily by the principle of maximizing economic gain. Zelizer is highly critical of this approach, and emphasizes instead the opposite phenomenon: the power of social values to transform price. As children became more valuable in emotional terms, she argues, their "exchange" or "surrender" value on the market, that is, the conversion of their intangible worth into cash terms, became much greater.
Which of the following statements of American families in 19th century can be inferred from the passage?
选项 A、Family members became more economically dependent on each other.
B、The percentage of families involved in industrial work declined dramatically.
C、Family members became more emotionally bonded to one another.
D、Family members spent an increasing amount of time working with each other.
答案C
解析 细节题，问关于美国家庭在19世纪情况的叙述中哪个是对的。本题定位比较困难，但干扰项比较弱，所以用排除法。A“经济更依赖”、B“更少参与工业”、D“更多一起劳动”都在文章中没提到，只有C“更重感情”与文章中所提到造成儿童价值转变的一个重要因素——友爱家庭companionate family后的括号解释相一致。
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