The night of December 16, 1773, dozens of Massachusetts colonists quietly boarded three ships and dumped what would now be close

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问题     The night of December 16, 1773, dozens of Massachusetts colonists quietly boarded three ships and dumped what would now be close to $1 million worth of British tea into Boston Harbor.
    The Sons of Liberty painted their faces and dressed like Native Americans. They barely spoke, to avoid revealing their identities. “There appeared to be an understanding that each individual should volunteer his services, keep his own secret, and risk the consequence for himself,” one of them wrote. It worked. Only a single person was caught.
    What if the British had access to modern surveillance technology? What if they’d had access to face recognition?
    From the Boston Tea Party to the printing of Common Sense, the ability to dissent—and to do it anonymously—was central to the founding of the United States. Anonymity was no luxury: It was a crime to advocate separation from the British Crown. It was a crime to dump British tea into Boston harbor. This trend persists. Our history is replete(充满) with moments when it was a “crime” to do the right thing, and legal to inflict injustice.
    The latest crime-fighting tools, however, may eliminate people’s ability to be anonymous. Historically, surveillance technology has tracked our technology: our cars, our computers, our phones. Face recognition technology tracks our bodies. And unlike fingerprinting or DNA analysis, face recognition is designed to identify us from far away and in secret.
    Face recognition is not just about finding terrorists. It’s about finding citizens. As a result of simply having a driver’s license, over half of all American adults are enrolled in a criminal face recognition network. While the details are murky, it appears that Baltimore County police used face recognition to identify people protesting the death of Freddie Gray.
    As law enforcement develops increasingly powerful surveillance tools, we need to ask ourselves: Are we building a world where no dissent is anonymous? A world where the Sons of Liberty are each arraigned(传讯) as British tea still floats in Boston harbor?
    The answer to these questions has to be “no.” In the midst of a heated debate about encryption and the need for privacy and security in our communications, it’s tempting to think that the solutions to these problems will originate in Silicon Valley. They won’t. You can encrypt your hard drive. You can encrypt your emails and texts. You cannot encrypt your face.
    There may be technical means to avoid face recognition. Coincidentally, one of them echoes the face paint worn by the Sons of Liberty. But face recognition’s threat to freedom will not be addressed through a simple change in default settings. It will be addressed only through hard conversations, and legislation, in Congress and state legislatures.
    “Writing and talk do not prove me,” wrote Walt Whitman in his Song of Myself. “I carry the plenum(充分) of proof and everything else in my face.” We have grown accustomed to the monitoring of our technology and communications. There is something different, something intractable and ominous, about the tracking of our bodies.
By citing the example of Baltimore County police, the author intends to show_____.

选项 A、the tool used by authorities to pursue terrorists
B、the number of criminals registered online
C、the adoption of face recognition for tracking citizens
D、the way to search for Freddie Gray’s killer

答案B

解析 由题干中的Baltimore County police定位到原文第六段。事实细节题。本题考查作者在第六段中所举例子的用途。通常来讲,例子支撑其所在位置前后的观点。作者在该段前两句提到人脸识别技术不仅与搜寻恐怖分子有关。它还涉及搜寻公民。紧接着第三句中指出只有只要有驾照,超过半数的美国成年人被录入罪犯脸部识别网。随后以巴尔的摩县的警方为例,阐述了人脸识别技术被用于确认抗议弗雷迪.格雷之死的民众身份,故答案为A“使用人脸识别技术追踪公民”。A“当局用来追踪恐怖分子的工具”,该段第一句虽然提到人脸识别技术也用于搜寻恐怖分子,但此后却说明了该技术的另一个用途——用于搜寻公民,故排除;C“在线登记罪犯数目”是对该段第三句的曲解,该句提到只要有驾照,超过半数的美国成年人被录入罪犯脸部识别网,并未指出在线登记的罪犯数目,故排除;D“搜索杀死弗雷迪.格雷凶手的方法”与原文表述不符,该段末句提到巴尔的摩县的警方搜索的是抗议弗雷迪.格雷之死的民众,故排除。
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