首页
外语
计算机
考研
公务员
职业资格
财经
工程
司法
医学
专升本
自考
实用职业技能
登录
外语
(1)Pessimism about the United States rarely pays off in the long run. Time and again, when Americans have felt particularly glum
(1)Pessimism about the United States rarely pays off in the long run. Time and again, when Americans have felt particularly glum
admin
2021-08-05
72
问题
(1)Pessimism about the United States rarely pays off in the long run. Time and again, when Americans have felt particularly glum their economy has been on the brink of a revival. Think of Jimmy Carter’s cardigan-clad gloom in the inflation-ridden late 1970s, or the fear of competition from Japan that marked the "jobless recovery" of the early 1990s. Both times the United States bounced back, boosted on the first occasion by Paul Volcker’s conquest of inflation and on the second by a productivity spurt that sent growth rates soaring in the mid-1990s even as Japan stalled.
(2)That record is worth bearing in mind today. Americans are unhappy, and becoming more so, about their country’s prospects and politicians’ efforts to improve them. In a new New York Times/CBS News poll, seven out of ten respondents said America is on the wrong track. Almost 60% of Americans disapprove of the President’s handling of the economy, and three out of four think Congress is doing a lousy job.
(3)This unease partly reflects the sluggishness of me recovery. Though unemployment has been falling and share prices are close to a three-year high, house prices are still in the dumps and the price of petrol has soared to levels not seen since the summer of 2008. But it’s not all about oil or indeed the short term. A careful reading of the polls suggests mat Americans’ worries stretch well beyond the next couple of years: about stagnating living standards and a dark future in an economy slow to create jobs, saddled with big government deficits.
(4)Are these worries justified? On the plus side, it is hard to think of any large country with as many inherent long-term advantages as America. But it is also plain that the United States does indeed have long-term economic weaknesses—and ones that will take time to fix. The real worry for Americans should be that their politicians, not least their president, are doing so little to tackle these underlying problems.
(5)The first failing, of which Mr President in particular is guilty, is misstating the problem. He likes to frame America’s challenges in terms of "competitiveness". This is mostly nonsense. America’s prosperity depends not on other countries’ productivity growth, but on its own(actually pretty fast)pace.
(6)Of course, plenty more could be done to spur innovation. The system of corporate taxation is a mess and deters domestic investment. Mr President is right that America’s infrastructure is creaking. But the solution there has as much to do with reforming Neanderthal funding systems as it does with the greater public spending he advocates. Too much of the "competitiveness" talk is a misconception—one mat justifies misguided policies, such as subsidies for green technology, and diverts attention from the country’s real to-do list.
(7)High on that list is sorting out America’s public finances. The budget deficit is huge and public debt, at over 90% of GDP when measured in an internationally comparable manner, is high and rising fast. Apart from Japan, America is the only big rich economy that does not have a plan for getting its public finances under control. The good news is that politicians are at last paying attention: deficit reduction is just about all anybody talks about in Washington, DC, these days. The bad news—and the second reason for gloom about what the politicians are up to—is that neither party is prepared to make the basic compromises mat are essential to a deal. Republicans refuse to accept that taxes will have to rise, Democrats that spending on "entitlements" such as health care and pensions must fall. No real progress is likely until after the next presidential election. And the antagonism of today’s deficit debate may even harm the economy, as Republicans push for excessive cuts in next year’s budget.
(8)Meanwhile, the biggest dangers lie in an area that politicians barely mention: the labour market. The recent decline in the jobless rate has been misleading, the result of a surprisingly small growth in the workforce(as discouraged workers drop out)as much as fast job creation. A stubborn 46% of America’s jobless, some 6 million people, have been out of work for more than six months. The weakness of the recovery is mostly to blame, but there are signs that America may be developing a distinctly European disease: structural unemployment.
(9)Youth unemployment is especially high, and joblessness among the young leaves lasting scars. Strong productivity growth has been achieved partly through the elimination of many mid-skilled jobs. And what makes this all the more worrying is that, below the radar screen, America had employment problems long before the recession, particularly for lesser-skilled men. These were caused not only by sweeping changes from technology and globalisation, which affect all countries, but also by America’s habit of locking up large numbers of young black men, which drastically diminishes their future employment prospects. America has a smaller fraction of prime-age men in work and in the labour force than any other G7 economy. Some 25% of men aged 25-54 with no college degree, 35% of high-school dropouts and almost 70% of black high-school dropouts are not working.
(10)All this means that grappling with entrenched joblessness deserves to be far higher on America’s policy agenda. Unfortunately, the few politicians who acknowledge the problem tend to have misguided solutions, such as trade barriers or industrial policy to prop up yesterday’s jobs or to spot tomorrow’s. That won’t work: government has a terrible record at picking winners. Instead, America needs to get its macro-medicine right, in particular by committing itself to medium-term fiscal and monetary stability without excessive short-term tightening. But it also needs job-market reforms, from streamlining and upgrading training to increasing employers’ incentives to hire the low-skilled. And stemming the decline in low-skilled men’s work will also demand more education reform to boost skills, as well as a saner approach to drugs and imprisonment.
The statement "On the plus side"(Para. 4)indicates the ______ of American economy.
选项
A、weakness
B、strength
C、prosperity
D、downhill
答案
B
解析
根据题干定位到第4段。该段第2句说任何一个大国都没有像美国这样的固有的长期优势,该句中的advantages和第3句(以But开头)中的weaknesses从正反两个方面说明On the plus side指的是美国经济的优势。因此本题应该选B。
转载请注明原文地址:https://kaotiyun.com/show/kXIK777K
0
专业英语八级
相关试题推荐
Thelandofapplepieandbaseball—theUnitedStatesofAmerica.OfcourseweallknowthereismoretoAmericathanapplepie
Thelandofapplepieandbaseball—theUnitedStatesofAmerica.OfcourseweallknowthereismoretoAmericathanapplepie
Thelandofapplepieandbaseball—theUnitedStatesofAmerica.OfcourseweallknowthereismoretoAmericathanapplepie
Thelandofapplepieandbaseball—theUnitedStatesofAmerica.OfcourseweallknowthereismoretoAmericathanapplepie
Thelandofapplepieandbaseball—theUnitedStatesofAmerica.OfcourseweallknowthereismoretoAmericathanapplepie
HereintheUnitedStates,beforeagriculturalactivitiesdestroyedthenaturalbalance,thereweregreatmigrationsofRocky
HereintheUnitedStates,beforeagriculturalactivitiesdestroyedthenaturalbalance,thereweregreatmigrationsofRocky
随机试题
A.转化B.转导C.溶血性转换D.接合E.原生质融合以温和噬菌体为载体,受体菌获供体菌遗传物质而获得新的性状称为()
前分光的光路特点是
女性,54岁,绝经5年,近2个月阴道流水样白带,近2周出现阴道间断少量血性黏液。妇科检查:宫颈光滑,宫体稍大且软,双侧附件未扪及异常。确诊后最佳治疗方案是
运算放大器应用电路如图所示,设运算放大器输出电压的极限值为±11V,如果将2V电压接入电路的“A”端,电路的“B”端接地后,测得输出电压为-8V,那么,如果将2V电压接入电路的“B”端,而电路的“A”端接地,则该电路的输出电压uo等于:
项目监理机构处理工程索赔的依据有()。
企业分析生产进度滞后的原因,并优化生产组织以保证生产目标实现,这些活动属于()。
我国社会主义职业道德的特点包括()。
创作第一部德国浪漫主义歌剧的作曲家是()。
Excerpt1:Theprocessofvaccinationallowsthepatient’sbodytodevelopimmunitytothevirusordiseasesothat,ifit
A、Wifeandhusband.B、Salesmanandcustomer.C、Teacherandstudent.D、Employerandemployee.A整篇对话的氛围体现出两人的关系很亲密,浏览四个选项,只有A合适,故选
最新回复
(
0
)