首页
外语
计算机
考研
公务员
职业资格
财经
工程
司法
医学
专升本
自考
实用职业技能
登录
外语
Without fanfare or legislation, the government is orchestrating a quiet revolution in how it regulates new medicines. The revolu
Without fanfare or legislation, the government is orchestrating a quiet revolution in how it regulates new medicines. The revolu
admin
2013-11-29
56
问题
Without fanfare or legislation, the government is orchestrating a quiet revolution in how it regulates new medicines. The revolution is based on the idea that the sicker people are, the more freedom they should have to try drugs that are not yet fully tested. For fifty years government policy has been driven by another idea: the fear that insufficiently tested medicines could cause deaths and injuries. The urgent needs of people infected with HIV, the AIDS virus, and the possibility of meeting them with new drugs have created a compelling countervailing force to the continuing concern with safety. As a result, government rules and practices have begun to change. Each step is controversial. But the shift has already gone far beyond AIDS. New ways are emerging for very sick people to try some experimental drugs before they are marketed. People with the most serious forms of heart disease, cancer, emphysema, Alzheimer’ s or Parkinson’ s disease, multiple sclerosis, epilepsy, diabetes, or other grave illnesses can request such drugs through their doctors and are likelier to get them than they would have been four years ago. "We’ve been too rigid in not making lifesaving drugs available to people who otherwise face certain death," says Representative Henry Waxman, of California, who heads the subcommittee that considers changes in drug-approval policies. "It’s true of AIDS, but it’s also true of cancer and other life- threatening diseases."
For the first time, desperate patients have become a potent political force for making new medicines available quickly. People with AIDS and their advocates, younger and angrier than most heart-disease or cancer patients, are drawing on two decades of gay activists’ success in organizing to get what they want from politicians. At times they found themselves allied with Reagan Administration deregulators, scientists, industry representatives, FDA staff members, and sympathetic members of Congress. They organized their own clinical trials and searched out promising drugs here and abroad. The result is a familiar Washington story: a crisis—AIDS—helped crystallize an informal coalition for reform.
AIDS gave new power to old complaints. As early as the 1970s the drug industry and some independent authorities worried that the Food and Do, g Administration’ s testing requirements were so demanding that new drugs were being unreasonably delayed. Beginning in 1972, several studies indicated that the United States had lost its lead in marketing new medicines and that breakthrough drugs—those that show new promise in treating serious or life-threatening diseases— had come to be available much sooner in other countries. Two high-level commissions urged the early release of breakthrough drugs. So did the Carter Administration, but the legislation it pro- posed died in Congress. Complaints were compounded by growing concern that "if we didn’t streamline policies, red tape wot, Id be an obstacle to the development of the biotechnology revolution," as Frank E. Young, who was the head of the FDA from 1984 to 1989, put it in an interview with me.
Young was a key figure in the overhaul of the FDA’s policies. A pioneer in biotechnology and a former dean of the University of Rochester’s medical school, he came to Washington with an agenda and headed the agency for five and a half years—longer than anyone else has since the 1960s. Young took the FDA job to help introduce new medicines created by biotechnology-- whose promise he had seen in his own gene-cloning lab--and to get experimental medicines to desperately iii people more quickly. He had seen people die waiting for new medicines because "they were in the wrong place at the wrong time," he said. That is now changing.
During his tenure of office as head of the FDA, Frank E. Young______.
选项
A、had a bitter argument with his colleagues over the overhaul of drug-approval policies
B、played a leading role in reconstructing the FDA’s policies
C、made some efforts to overhaul drug-approval policies, but failed
D、met many difficulties in releasing breakthrough drugs to the desperately iii patients
答案
B
解析
转载请注明原文地址:https://kaotiyun.com/show/cHhO777K
0
考博英语
相关试题推荐
ThedomesticeconomyintheUnitedStatesexpandedinaremarkablyvigorousandsteadyfashion.Therevivalinconsumerconfiden
Thelawofprivateinternationaltribunalswithrespecttoconflictsofinterestofarbitratorsisquiteextensive,albeitbyno
Islanguage,likefood,abasichumanneedwithoutwhichachildatacriticalperiodoflifecanbestarvedanddamaged?Judgin
Variousinnovationshavebeenintroducedaswaystobreakoffoursystemwhichforcesstudentsthroughaseriesofidenticalcla
Variousinnovationshavebeenintroducedaswaystobreakoffoursystemwhichforcesstudentsthroughaseriesofidenticalcla
BeforetheIndustrialRevolution,therecouldhavebeenfewfamilyreunionsasweknowthisceremonyatthepresenttime,withi
Inaperfectlyfreeandopenmarketeconomy,thetypeofemployer--governmentorprivate-shouldhavelittleornoimpactonthe
Thedramacritic,ontheotherhand,hasnosuchadvantage.Hecannotbeselective;hemustcovereverythingthatisofferedfor
Thedramacritic,ontheotherhand,hasnosuchadvantage.Hecannotbeselective;hemustcovereverythingthatisofferedfor
随机试题
比色法测定乳及乳制品中的铁时,在酸性溶液中,三价铁离子与()生成血红色络合物,比色测定。
提请假释建议书的事实结论有两种情况:一是罪犯确有悔改表现,假释后不致再危害社会;二是罪犯()
由胆固醇转变成的维生素是:()
肺癌中最常见的组织学类型是
下列不属于影响X线照片影像质量的物理因素的是
A.上热下寒B.上寒下热C.真寒假热D.真热假寒E.表寒里热
当桥梁结构承载能力检算系数评定标度为()时,应进行正常使用极限状态计算。
教师职业道德的核心和精髓是()。
香农定理从定量的角度描述了“带宽”与“速率”的关系。在香农定理的公式中,与信道的最大传输速率相关的参数主要有信噪比与()。
Mostofusspendourlivesseekingthenaturalworld.Tothis【C1】______wegofishing,sitinthegarden,drinkoutsideratherth
最新回复
(
0
)