首页
外语
计算机
考研
公务员
职业资格
财经
工程
司法
医学
专升本
自考
实用职业技能
登录
外语
The Chaco Phenomenon P1: Between about 900 to 1150 AD, a mysterious Stone Age culture arose, flourished, and then vanished in th
The Chaco Phenomenon P1: Between about 900 to 1150 AD, a mysterious Stone Age culture arose, flourished, and then vanished in th
admin
2019-03-10
56
问题
The Chaco Phenomenon
P1: Between about 900 to 1150 AD, a mysterious Stone Age culture arose, flourished, and then vanished in the semi-desert region of the Southwestern United States. Named the Chaco culture after the canyon in which the principal ruins are found, nearly everything about this ancient society is shrouded in mystery. A truly remarkable transformation in settlement patterns occurred in the San Juan basin in northwestern New Mexico, with small household farmsteads giving way to aggregated communities centered on communal masonry buildings that are now called "great houses." These multi-level buildings of up to 800 rooms are scattered over thousands of square miles of the Four Corners area of the Southwest. The entire episode of great house construction in Chaco, the Bonito phase (A.D. 900-1140), was signifying an pronounced period of immense cooperative effort. Pueblo Chetro Ketl’s outer wall alone is calculated to be composed of 30 million stones which were brought to the canyon from distances between 80 and 150 kilometers away. Many of the stones had to be shaped before being positioned and built into a huge project. But by 1140 AD, the massive construction ceased abruptly, followed by a rapid decline in use of the great houses and apparent abandonment of the canyon in the thirteenth century.
P2: For more than a century archaeologists have struggled to understand the circumstances surrounding the rise and collapse of Chacoan society—dubbed the Chaco Phenomenon. Specifically, research has focused on determining why such an apparently inhospitable place as Chaco, which today is extremely arid and has very short growing seasons, should have been favored for the concentration of labor that must have been required for such massive construction projects over brief periods of time. Until the 1970s, scholars and the public alike had a long-shared notion that Chaco had been a forested oasis that attracted farmers who initially flourished but eventually fell victim to their own success and exuberance, as they employed unsustainable land-use practices to build their impressive communities. Yet there is no substantial evidence, archaeological or otherwise, to support such contention.
P3: However, recent geological field studies in Chaco have produced some table-turning evidence that may require a significant reassessment of the assumption that the canyon was not a favorable agricultural setting. It appears that during the extraordinary construction boom in the first half of the eleventh century, a devastating flood occurred, resulting in extreme difficulty irrigating the area. A large natural lake, near the biggest concentration of great houses, may have existed at the western end of Chaco and might have suspended sediment, which would then have flowed into the canyon. The presence of an abundance of water and, equally important, a source of sediment that replenished agricultural fields, presumably made the canyon an extremely attractive place for newly arriving people from the northern San Juan River basin. In fact, during the 1980s, this reconstruction was largely dismissed in response to evidence that there were only scattered trees along cliffs and escarpments above the canyon rather than woodlands in the first place, and that canyon soil was highly sensitive to increases in aridity and temperature and thus unsuitable for farming, regardless of the amount of trees. As long-standing scientific consensus was undergoing this transformation, the position of the canyon within a regional network of dispersed agricultural communities called up more academic attention. P4: The adoption of a regional perspective in explaining the Chaco Phenomenon was based in part on the discovery of formal trails. A combination of remote sensing techniques and ground verification defined a prehistoric road system which extended outward from Chaco Canyon into the surrounding San Juan Basin, later referred to as Chaco "outliers." These trails are densest around the concentration of great houses in the center, and the canyon itself is roughly at the center of the basin. Consequently, Chaco Canyon was intimately related to other settlements in a single cultural web flung across 30,000 square miles and which reached into Colorado and Utah, all tied together by a network of ancient roads. The current consensus view is that religion provided the fundamental explanation for this centrifugal pattern.
P5: After close study of great kivas (multipurpose rooms used for religious, political, and social functions), archeologists tend to depict Chaco as a location of high devotional expression and the pilgrimage center of a sacred landscape. The kiva structure itself, of whatever size, occupies a special and sacred place in Pueblo architecture. Excavation of some of these vaults suggests that they were once associated with ceremonies. Archaeological record presented some ritual artifacts, including caches of turquoise beads and pendants, unusual ceramic vessels and wooden objects, several rooms with multiple human burials, and especially the large number of kivas found in great houses. Most of these indicators occur only at Pueblo Bonito, but archaeologists generally assume that all the great houses had a similar ritual function. Some scholars have even argued that the great houses were temples instead of residences.
P4: ■ The adoption of a regional perspective in explaining the Chaco Phenomenon was based in part on the discovery of formal trails.
■ A combination of remote sensing techniques and ground verification defined a prehistoric road system which extended outward from Chaco Canyon into the surrounding San Juan Basin, later referred to as Chaco "outliers."
■ These trails are densest around the concentration of great houses in the center, and the canyon itself is roughly at the center of the basin. Consequently, Chaco Canyon was intimately related to other settlements in a single cultural web flung across 30,000 square miles and which reached into Colorado and Utah, all tied together by a network of ancient roads. ■ The current consensus view is that religion provided the fundamental explanation for this centrifugal pattern.
The word "function" in the passage is closest in meaning to
选项
A、center
B、practice
C、design
D、purpose
答案
D
解析
【词汇题】function意为“目的、作用”。
转载请注明原文地址:https://kaotiyun.com/show/t0fO777K
0
托福(TOEFL)
相关试题推荐
Completetheformbelow.WriteONEWORDAND/ORANUMBERforeachanswer.
ChooseTWOletters,A-E.WhichTWOthingsmakethemuseumunusual?AtheguidesBtheeventsCtheanimalsDthebuildingsEthe
ChooseTWOletters,A-E.WhichTWOthingsaremostpopularamongusers?Achildren’sbooksBtextbooksCcomputergamesDtoysE
Completethenotesbelow.WriteONEWORDONLYforeachanswer.EffectsofurbanenvironmentsonanimalsIntroductionRecenturba
Choosethecorrectletter,A,BorC.Grace’sCreekActivityCampThedesignersofthefacilityhadtotakeintoaccount
Choosethecorrectletter,A,BorC.WhatdoesJeromesayabouttheexperienceofwritinghisdissertation?
Choose.TWOletters,A-E.WhichTWOsourcesoffundinghelpedbuildthefacility?AthecentralgovernmentBlocalgovernment
Metaphysicalphilosophy(is)concerned(with)theprinciples,structures,and(meaningful)thatunderlieallobservable(reality
Whataspectofpaintinginthenineteenthcenturydoesthepassagemainlydiscuss?Theword"others"inline27refersto
Combustionproduces______heat.
随机试题
HespokesoquicklythatIdidnot______whathesaid.
A.脉来数而时一止,止无定数B.脉来迟而时一止,止无定数C.脉来迟而中止,止有定数D.脉来急疾,一息七八至E.脉形如豆,滑数有力代脉的特征是
可能发生呼吸肌无力引起呼吸衰竭的疾病是
关于财务分析价格体系的说法,错误的是()
当基坑开挖不很深,基坑涌水量不大时,()是应用最广泛,亦是最简单、经济的方法。
某金融机构2018年购入甲、乙两种债券,它们面额相同(10000元),票面收益率相同(10%)、期限相同(10年),但由于某种原因,两者市场价格不同(甲10000元,乙9000元),而甲、乙两种债券到期都同样兑付10000元本金。衡量证券流动性高低的标
以概念、判断、推理的形式进行的思维是__________。
根据《中华人民共和国教育法》的规定,学校及其他教育机构具有拒绝任何组织和个人对教育教学活动的非法干涉的权利。()
根据以下资料,回答以下问题。2006到2011年,城镇职工基本医疗保险平均实际报销比例同比增长最快的是:
下列语句组中,正确的是
最新回复
(
0
)