首页
外语
计算机
考研
公务员
职业资格
财经
工程
司法
医学
专升本
自考
实用职业技能
登录
外语
On Wednesday, Sept. 23, President Barack Obama used his first-ever address to the U.N. General Assembly to try and reverse the
On Wednesday, Sept. 23, President Barack Obama used his first-ever address to the U.N. General Assembly to try and reverse the
admin
2021-10-13
46
问题
On Wednesday, Sept. 23, President Barack Obama used his first-ever address to the U.N. General Assembly to try and reverse the impression that his ambitious Middle East peace effort had suffered a reversal at the hand of Israel’s hawkish Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. "I am not naive," Obama told the gathered world leaders. "I know this will be difficult. But all of us must decide whether we are serious about peace or whether we only lend it lip service."
Many a jaded commentator saw Obama’s Tuesday meeting with Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas as a symbol of surrender to Netanyahu’s refusal of the U.S. demand that Israel halt all construction on land conquered in 1967. Instead, Netanyahu offered a partial and time-limited freeze and appeared to force the President of the United States to back down. For Abbas, the handshake with Netanyahu orchestrated by Obama was viewed as a humiliating climbdown from his refusal to talk to the Israelis until they implemented that settlement freeze.
Netanyahu, briefing the Israeli media after the talks, suggested that the Palestinians had also caved in to his demand for a reopening of talks without preconditions on an agenda the two sides would determine in discussions. But Abbas insisted that any talks would be based on the full range of final-status issues established by previous agreements—Netanyahu has publicly ruled out negotiating on two of those issues, the fate of Palestinian refugees and the status of Jerusalem, which both sides claim as their capital.
Abbas appeared to win Obama’s backing in the U.N. speech, which made clear that the President has not accepted Netanyahu’s position on the precursor issue of a settlement freeze even if he’s decided to move on to the final-status negotiations. "America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements," the President insisted on Wednesday. That could be read as a response to the damage Obama’s credibility has suffered in the Arab world as a result of being forced by Netanyahu to retreat on the settlement issue, which had been widely viewed as a test of Israel’s peacemaking bona fides and had been a centerpiece of Obama’s Cairo outreach speech in the spring. But there was an even stronger challenge to Netanyahu in Obama’s declared plan to relaunch negotiations "that address the permanent-status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians; borders, refugees and Jerusalem." He also spoke of the goal of those negotiations as being the establishment of "a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967."
While many analysts focused on Tuesday’s meeting as an Obama admission of defeat on settlements, some were more optimistic. Former Israeli peace negotiator Daniel Levy believes that the Administration’s pivot on the issue smartly boxed Netanyahu into a negotiating process the Israeli leader would have preferred to avoid, by turning his own argument against him: if, as Netanyahu insists, settlements should be an issue for negotiation rather than a precondition because their fate will depend on future borders, then why not move straight to final-status negotiations over those borders?
Final-status talks were something Netanyahu had hoped to dodge. Not only does his right-wing coalition government refuse to countenance negotiations over refugees or Jerusalem, but also, the Prime Minister, much of whose political career has been built on resisting the Oslo peace process, has sought to promote incremental improvements in Palestinian life, particularly the economy, over the search for a final two-state agreement. Obama isn’t buying it. According to Israeli accounts of Tuesday’s meeting, the U.S. President "scolded" Netanyahu and Abbas, declaring "We’ve had enough talks. We need to end this conflict. There is a window of opportunity, but it might shut." And according to these reports, Obama insisted that the negotiations will not be started from scratch but will instead be based on the previous agreements established through the Oslo process. In other words, Jerusalem and refugees are on the table, and Israel is expected to show up.
Obama is still talking tough, then, but having watched him climb down from his settlement-freeze demand—and the rebuff from moderate Arab states to the President’s call for them to make tangible gestures toward normalization of ties with Israel—most analysts are waiting to see what actions back his words. Reports from the talks suggest the Administration will summon the two parties to Washington next month for talks under U.S. auspices on the full gamut of final-status issues. But Netanyahu may have his own ideas and may be buoyed by his success in resisting the settlement-freeze demand. Indeed, the Israeli Prime Minister’s domestic popularity has surged as a result of his defiance of Obama. Abbas, however, who had already been reduced to an increasingly marginal figure by the failure of his negotiating efforts over the past decade to win any significant gains for the Palestinians, suffered further political damage by even showing up for the handshake.
But even the relatively hawkish Israeli commentator Shmuel Rosner warns that "Israel should restrain itself from declaring victory just yet. True, Obama had to draw down his overeager demands from Israel. But it is also true that Netanyahu, not long ago, had to reverse his opposition to a two-state solution and publicly declare that his goal is similar to the one espoused today by Obama. True, Abbas was dragged to the summit only days after insisting that he will not come to any meeting unless settlement construction is frozen first. But it is also true that Netanyahu, the head of the right-wing Likud Party, is one of the first Israeli Prime Ministers to agree to some form of settlement freeze."
What can be inferred from the passage?
选项
A、The final-status issues will soon be settled.
B、Israel is likely to win in Mideast-Peace fight.
C、It is hard to say who will win in Mideast-Peace fight.
D、Obama will defeat Netanyahu in Mideast-Peace fight.
答案
C
解析
推理概括题。通读全文可知,很难说谁将在中东和谈中获胜。
转载请注明原文地址:https://kaotiyun.com/show/xSIK777K
0
专业英语八级
相关试题推荐
CharacteristicsqfAmericanCultureI.PunctualityA.Goingtothetheater:be【T1】______twentyminutesprior【T1】______B.
PASSAGEFOUR
NoEnglishmanbelievesinworkingfrombooklearning.Hesuspectseverythingnew,anddislikesit,unlesshecanbecompelledb
(1)SiliconValleyisamagnettowhichnumeroustalentedengineers,scientistsandentrepreneursfromoverseasflockinsearcho
Self-discipline:theFoundationofProductiveLivingI.Issuestobenoticedatthethoughtofself-disciplineA.Troublesfors
Thewordconservationhasathriftymeaning.Toconserveistosaveandprotect,toleavewhatweourselvesenjoyinsuchgoodc
A、Inventions.B、Demandsinmarketplace.C、Ongoingeconomicgrowth.D、Education.C对话中,女士谈到了有很多推动社会变化的因素,其中最重要的动力是持续的经济增长。这与C项的表述一
Belowaretwoexcerptsonanimportantconcernofmusicindustry:whetheritiscorrecttosharemusicwithoutpaying.Readt
(1)TheTerm"CYBERSPACE"wascoinedbyWilliamGibson,ascience-fictionwriter.Hefirstuseditinashortstoryin1982,and
(1)TheTerm"CYBERSPACE"wascoinedbyWilliamGibson,ascience-fictionwriter.Hefirstuseditinashortstoryin1982,and
随机试题
下列选项中,汽车产量同比增速最低的是()。
足部肾上腺反射区位于双足掌人字形交叉点稍外侧。()
测定息止位时鼻底与颏底的距离减去4~5mm,可作为确定垂直距离的数据。()
溶浸采矿法可用于开采()。
按给付方式(或给付期间)划分,年金保险可以分为( )。Ⅰ.定额年金Ⅱ.最低保证年金Ⅲ.定期生存年金Ⅳ.终身年金Ⅴ.变额年金
在我国,基金日常估值由()进行。
秦始皇灭六国后,统一了全国文字为()。
简要述叙法国廉价报纸的特点。
甲于傍晚跟踪仇人乙,意图杀害乙。甲趁乙不备用刀朝乙的背部猛刺数刀,致乙当场昏迷,甲见乙没有呼吸,误以为乙已死亡,为消灭罪迹,将乙“抛尸”于小河中。经鉴定,乙是溺水窒息死亡。甲的认识错误属于()。
Themainagendaoftheboardofdirectors’meetingwasa______oftheissuesthatwouldariseoncethepurchaseofanaffiliatep
最新回复
(
0
)