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  3. Native-places, which transcend national boundaries to become central to the organization of emigrants communities, have historic

Native-places, which transcend national boundaries to become central to the organization of emigrants communities, have historic

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问题     Native-places, which transcend national boundaries to become central to the organization of emigrants communities, have historically been at the root of social organization with China. Native place has traditionally referred to the particular village or region where one’s ancestors originated. It signifies not only the physical place itself but also the deep attachments to the land, customs, and people from that place that are forged through generations of shared ancestry and history. It is through these bonds and sentiments, signified by genealogical connections to the ancestors buried there as well as contact with the soil and water, that space is turned into place. Ties to native place are inherited, so that even immigrants to other parts of China would still claim their grandfather’s native place as their own place of origin, even if they had never been there. As the second and third generations, many American-born Chinese Americans have learned about China only second-hand through family stories or media and popular culture images. For them China is at the same time a distant and foreign place and a place to which they have a connection. In this sense, ideas about China that came across in a highly mediated fashion are of central importance to the ways that Chinese Americans perceive their Chineseness.
    For many young overseas Chinese, ties to China carry little emotional or practical importance, and personal identity may only partly involve identification as Chinese. They distinguish between "cultural roots and citizenship". Many Chinese overseas, removed from mainland China by time and cultural distance visit China without a desire to find their ancestral villages. For many Chinese Americans, Beijing represents the essence of Chinese civilization. They may identify more the Great Wall with their native villages. Images of China come in packaged representations through the media, history books, and documentaries. This phenomenon is represented in overseas Chinese tourism, which combines an interest in general Chinese history with a tenuous connection to home villages. Most visits to the mainland, organized by foreign travel agencies within Chinese communities abroad, involve a tour of major historical sites and famous cities in China, most often followed by a trip to the native village. Therefore, it is through their experiences in China that Chinese Americans reevaluate and reframe their ideas about Chineseness in relation to their identities as Chinese Americans. It is through interaction with their places of ancestral origin in China that Chinese Americans remake these places into transnational space connecting America and China. Chinese-American roots-searching trips to China must be viewed within a multi-layered political and historical context, and as more of a reterritorialization than a return to territory, Ideas of place can be transformed from afar from concrete notions of villages to abstract notions of nation, or they can be overlaid as geographies to tame an unfamiliar and hostile environment. Even from a distance, China remains relevant to Chinese Americans in numerous ways as a powerful influence shaping their identities.
What is the tone of the writer in interpreting the phenomenon about native-place ties?
选项 A、Impartial.
B、Confidential.
C、Subjective.
D、Reproachful.
答案A
解析 在解释故乡情谊的过程中，作者用的是什么语气?公正的语气。第一段着重讲述海外华人故乡情的意义。第二段批评某些年轻的海外华人数典忘祖。因此，作者行文时采用的是公正的语气。
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