作为增进美国利益的总战略的一部分,军备控制仍处于十分重要的地位。军备控制可以成为美国对外政策的一个重要部分,但我认为真正的问题在于到底什么能增进我们国家的利益。在这些,比如,军备控制协定不起作用或产生相反效果或已作废的情况下,它们不应该成为我们外交政策发展

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问题  
Passage One:
    It happens that the real success stories, those countries that we now call the developed economies, were the high-income economies or, the industrialized economies. Those countries represent only about one-sixth of humanity. And five-sixths of humanity is what we call the developing world. It’s the vast majority of the world. The gap can be two hundred to one in some cases if you simply measure the gross national product per person in the United States versus, say, a country in Africa, maybe a gap of $30,000 per person and $150 per person. That’s absolutely astounding, to be on the same planet and to have that extreme variation in material well-being.
Passage Two:
    Arms control, as part of an overall strategy of advancing American interests, remains a very high priority. Arms control can be an important part of American foreign policy, but I think the real question is what advances our national interests. And in those cases where, for example, arms control treaties are ineffective or counterproductive or obsolete, they shouldn’t be allowed to stand in the way of the development of our foreign policy. And I think that’s part of what we’re trying to articulate as we go through reviewing some existing treaty obligations and considering whether or not to get into potential new obligations as well.

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答案作为增进美国利益的总战略的一部分,军备控制仍处于十分重要的地位。军备控制可以成为美国对外政策的一个重要部分,但我认为真正的问题在于到底什么能增进我们国家的利益。在这些,比如,军备控制协定不起作用或产生相反效果或已作废的情况下,它们不应该成为我们外交政策发展的拦路虎。我想那正是我们在回顾现有的条约义务以及考虑是否要讨论可能的新义务时,想试着表达清楚的部分之一。

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