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  3. Shanty towns have been common to most major immigration cities around the world, such as Paris, New York, San Paulo, Mexico City

Shanty towns have been common to most major immigration cities around the world, such as Paris, New York, San Paulo, Mexico City

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问题     Shanty towns have been common to most major immigration cities around the world, such as Paris, New York, San Paulo, Mexico City, Mumbai and Seoul. Yet, this crucial theme in global urban history remains poorly represented in city museums, with the focus generally being limited to urban poverty. This has contributed to overlook the fact that people living in shanty towns have played an important role in the development of urban economies. The different types of self-build housing, from ephemeral shanties to long-term and stabile informal urbanism, have been a general phenomenon in contemporary times, from marginal urban growing in many European and North American cities at the beginning of the 20th century to our global world. Today, many of these sites form a permanent part of the urban landscape in cities across Latin America, Asia and Africa, where the phenomenon has been extensively studied. The debate about all kinds of informal urbanism and the "right to the city" has been particularly intense in Latin America, most notably in Brazil, with highly organized neighborhoods and social initiatives, where the issue has become a question of governance. The informal city can no longer be considered a separate reality from the formal city: shanty towns, for example, are an essential component of global urban histories. At a time when the formal city has still not been integrated with areas of informal growth, the communication boom enables a cosmopolitism of the disinherited.
    The Barcelona City History Museum is dedicated to representing the city of Barcelona and its citizens. It conducts research in the fields of urban history and heritage with a view to promoting cultural citizenship and belonging. Its programming includes a wide range of exhibition projects, open research and public seminars, the publication of books, urban guides and films, as well as tours organized in different heritage spaces throughout Barcelona. The aim is to break down barriers between different sources of knowledge as much as possible, and in a participatory way that includes all city inhabitants and visitors.
    The earlier period of fast informal urban growth, in the first decades of the 20th century, saw Barcelona’s shanty towns, also known as Barracopolis, spring up on the city’s sea front and the Mount Montjuic area, as well as on empty lots in some peripheral zones. After the Spanish Civil War (1936～1939), which saw the advent of Franco’s fascist regime, migration also took place for political reasons in the 1940s, with people fleeing from extreme poverty and repression; while the flow of people coming to the city became massive when industrial growth recovered in the following decade.
    As in other Mediterranean cities, housing development could not keep pace with the massive arrival of migrants seeking employment. The migrant population that came to Barcelona from the mountain areas of Catalonia and from all over Spain found themselves faced with a dramatic housing shortage, despite the over-occupation of flats and the widespread sub-letting of rooms. From the 1950s onwards, shanty towns grew in parallel with the emergence of another type of self-build housing in the metropolitan suburbs, intended as more permanent dwellings improved over time. Their legal status varied, according to whether the land upon which houses were built was purchased, leased or occupied, and such self-build housing neighborhoods were established with the hope of making them permanent, as was eventually the case for most. These neighborhood, for the most part, developed outside the limits of the municipality of Barcelona, in the peripheries of the metropolitan area, and became popularly known as Cores ( "Koreas" ), since they began to spread during the Korean War.
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答案 全球范围内，很多移民程度较高的城市都存在棚户区，例如巴黎、纽约、圣保罗、墨西哥城、孟买和首尔。然而，在大多数城市博物馆中，世界城市史中的这一重要主题尚未得到有效呈现，一般仅限于讨论其中的城市贫困问题。这种现象导致人们忽视了这样一种现实，即棚户区的居住者在城市经济体的发展过程中曾发挥过重要的作用。棚户区里不同类型的自建住房——从临时搭建的棚屋到长期稳定的非正式城市化——是当代国际社会的一种普遍现象；从20世纪初在欧洲和北美许多城市的边缘扩张，再到如今全球各地的棚户区。如今，这些地带很多已经发展成为城市景观的永久组成部分，包括拉丁美洲、亚洲和非洲的很多城市，而这一现象也得到了广泛的研究。在拉丁美洲，关于非正式城市化的各种类型以及“城市权利”的争论尤为激烈，特别是在巴西；这些地方的社区和社会倡议高度组织化，而这已经成为一种治理问题。“非正式城市”不应再被视为一种与“正式城市”相互隔绝的现实存在：例如，棚户区已经成为全球城市历史的重要组成部分。当前，正式城市尚未与非正式区域的增长相融合，但通信技术的高速发展却使得这些贫困地区产生了一种世界主义的特征。 巴塞罗那城市历史博物馆致力于表达巴塞罗那及其市民的主张。该馆在城市历史和遗产领域的研究中，秉承促进文化市民责任感和归属感的宗旨。它所主持的活动包括内容丰富的展览项目、开放的研究项目和面向公众的研讨会、书籍出版、城市导览和电影制作，以及在巴塞罗那市内各处文化遗址地点组织的游览路线。其目的是尽可能彻底打破不同知识来源之间的障碍；此举可以借助高度的参与性将所有的城市居民和游客会聚在一起。 在20世纪上半叶的几十年里，非正式城市化处于快速增长期，这时的巴塞罗那棚户区，也被称为“棚屋城”，开始在巴塞罗那的海滨、蒙特惠奇地区以及某些周边区域的闲置土地上不断发展。西班牙内战(1936～1939)结束后，佛朗哥法西斯政权建立，导致40年代开始出现政治移民，人们纷纷逃离赤贫和受压迫的境况；之后的十年里，工业增长开始复苏，涌入城市的人口数量日渐庞大。 和地中海区域的其他城市一样，住房开发的速度无法跟上大量进城寻求就业的移民涌入的速度。尽管当地的公寓已经被过度占用，租住的房屋也普遍被分租，但是从加泰罗尼亚山区以及西班牙全境各地迁入巴塞罗那的移民仍然面临严重的住房短缺问题。从20世纪50年代开始，随着“棚屋”数量不断增长，大都市郊区的另一种自建房也开始出现，并作为一种更具永久特征的住宅类型也得到逐步改进。它们的法律地位各不相同，其依据在于建造房屋的土地性质：购买、租赁还是占用。建立这种自建住房居民区的初衷就是希望它们能成为永久住房，而大部分地方的最终情况也确实如此。这些居民区大部分都是在巴塞罗那主城的边界以外、大都市区外边缘的地方发展起来的，常被人们称为“朝鲜地带”，因为它们主要是在朝鲜战争期间开始扩张的。
解析     common to意为“为……所共有”，中文多用主动，故这里将被动变主动，宾语most major immigration cities做主语，shanty towns则处理为宾语。major表示“程度高，数量或尺寸大”，修饰。immigration cities，故将major immigration cities译为“移民程度较高的城市”。
    首先，这句话前后之间存在转折关系，翻译时增译“但”加以体现。其次，disinherited在这里为形容词，意为“无所依托的，一无所有的”，前边加上定冠词the后，构成名词结构，结合语境可知，这里表示的是一无所有者居住的区域，因此译为“这些贫困地区”。
    saw是see的过去式，表示“见证”，与witness一词用法相同，saw the advent of在这里阐明的是西班牙内战带来的结果，直接翻译为“西班牙内战结束后，佛朗哥法西斯政权建立”便可体现出其中的时间以及因果逻辑联系。migration also took place for political reasons中for political reasons指出了移民的性质，直接使用汉语中存在的“政治移民”这一说法即可表达，简洁地道。
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